Gershwin fan

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  1. Gershwin fan

    ISRAEL MIDDLE EAST NEWS Iranian security personnel kidnapped on border with Pakistan LONDON (Reuters) - At least 10 Iranian security personnel including Revolutionary Guards were kidnapped on the border with Pakistan on Tuesday, Iran’s state media reported, and a separatist group said it had seized them as revenge for the oppression of Sunni Muslims. The Revolutionary Guards, Iran’s top security force, said in a statement carried on state television that some of its members had been abducted by a militant group at a border post in the city of Mirjaveh in Sistan-Baluchestan province. Iranian officials held talks with the Pakistani ambassador in Tehran and called on Islamabad to “use all possible means” to free them. The Guards did not say how many were kidnapped, but state news agency IRNA quoted an unnamed official as saying 14 people had been kidnapped around 4 a.m. or 5 a.m. The Guards said they believed the Iranian forces had been deceived by “insiders”, but did not elaborate. Fars news agency said there were reports Iranian forces had been poisoned by food before being captured and taken to Pakistan. Ebrahim Azizi, spokesman for Jaish al-Adl, a Sunni militant group, said the group had seized more than 10 people. “This morning Jaish al-Adl forces attacked a border post in Mirjaveh, and captured all their weapons,” Azizi said in an audio message sent to Reuters. The group also claimed responsibility on its Twitter account. Azizi said the attack was retaliation for what he called the Iranian state’s oppression of Sunnis in Sistan-Baluchestan, a mainly Sunni province with a long history of separatist unrest.
  2. Gershwin fan

    Trump & the Saudis? Saudi Arabia To Admit Killing Journalist Jamal Khashoggi During Interrogation: Report Jamal Khashoggi has been a critic of the Saudi kingdom for years. The Turkish Attorney General’s office confirmed it has found evidence supporting the suspicion of Jamal Khashoggi’s alleged murder in the Saudi Arabian consulate in Istanbul, Al Jazeera said Monday. There are also signs that the evidence was tampered with, the Arabic news outlet reported. Saudi Arabia is preparing to admit that journalist Jamal Khashoggi was killed in the country's consulate in Istanbul during questioning after coming into the mission's building to ask for a marriage-related document, sources familiar with the case told CNN Monday. A source warned that the report is still being prepared and could change, CNN said. The other source said that the report will probably conclude that the operation was carried out without permission and that those involved should answer for their responsibility in the events, the news channel said. Khashoggi, a vocal critic of the policies of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, and a columnist of Washington Post disappeared on October 2, was allegedly murdered by the Kingdom when he entered the consulate, sources close to the Turkish investigation have told Middle East Eye. Speculation mounts that Salman ordered the killing of the journalist, who had been in self-imposed exile in Washington for the last year. The Washington Post published a full-page notice demanding answers.
  3. Gershwin fan


    1. Hobart Cavanaugh 3. Frank Orth 13. Frank Darien
  4. Gershwin fan

    Ignore feature

    If you click on your profile there should be an "Ignored Users" feature where you can type in the name of the poster you wish to block. Edit: misread that but good to know you found it.
  5. She really should not have doubled down on this. The fact the DNA came back as 1/1,000th American Native makes her look very foolish.
  6. One of my favorite directors is David Lynch. I particularly like Twin Peaks. David Lynch meets a fan. I'm not exactly sure of the context either.
  7. Gershwin fan

    cry of the werewolf (1944)

    Yeah, i saw this one on Svengoolie too and was disappointed. Too much of the film was just people walking around and nothing happening. When the werewolf does show up it's just a dog and there's no transformation scene. Lame.
  8. Gershwin fan

    & then there's the rest of the WORLD... Ukrainian nationalists honor WWII-era paramilitary group Members of the nationalist movements attend a rally marking Defender of Ukraine Day in centre Kiev, Ukraine, Sunday, Oct. 14, 2018. (AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky) About 10,000 people have marched through the capital of Ukraine in an annual nationalist commemoration of the formation of the World War II-era Ukrainian Insurgent Army. About 1,000 police officers were deployed for the Defender of Ukraine Day march. Demonstrators lit colorful flares and shouted slogans such as "We are returning Ukraine to Ukrainians." There was a scuffle when riot police intervened to stop some protesters attempting to destroy a Soviet-era monument near the parliament building. The march in Kiev took place amid growing concern about radical far-right nationalists attacking Roma encampments and LGBT and women's rights activists. Sunday was the 76th anniversary of the formation of the paramilitary group, known by the acronym UPA, that fought against the Soviet army, sometimes in collaboration with Nazi forces.
  9. Gershwin fan

    Recently Watched Musicals

    Yours Sincerely - Condensed version of the Rodgers and Hart musical "Spring is Here." A resort owner tries to marry off his daughter to a man he believes is a millionaire. Meanwhile, an actual millionaire pursues his other daughter. I liked this one and it had some catchy songs. The two leads had beautiful singing voices but the guy who sings Terry was pretty bad. Overall I liked it.
  10. BY SLAVOJ ŽIŽEK The latest trend in the vagaries of Leftist politics is the weird movement of MeToo. The Left, however, should learn from the rise of Rightist populism, because WeToo can play the populist game… We are repeatedly told that Left populism is de facto winning and it works. But where and how does it work? Everywhere where it became a serious force, from Latin America to Spain’s Podemos, it stumbled upon a fatal limit. As for Corbyn’s Labour Party, its politics cannot be called populist in any meaningful way. (Plus, it hasn’t yet come to power; only once this happens will the real test come). Against Rightist populist passions (from Nigel Farage to Boris Johnson), today’s Labour politics is precisely a triumph of rational pragmatic argumentation, where one can disagree with some proposed measures, but the line of argumentation is always clear. Can one imagine a politician less prone to outbursts of passion than Corbyn, which, to avoid a misunderstanding, is for me what makes Corbyn great? This fact alone renders problematic Left populist reliance on the opposition between cold pragmatic-rational argumentation and passionate confrontation. Although Left populists insist that there are limits to this confrontation, they remain within the democratic frame: according to them, antagonisms should be transposed into agonistic competition in which all sides obey basic democratic rules. But what if these rules are no longer accepted by all agents? When, two years ago, I was answering questions posed by the readers of Sueddeutsche Zeitungabout the refugee crisis, the question which attracted by far the most attention concerned precisely democracy, if with a rightist-populist twist. After Angela Merkel made her famous public appeal inviting hundreds of thousands of immigrants into Germany, what was her democratic legitimization? What gave her the right to bring such a radical change to German life without democratic consultation? My point here, of course, is not to support anti-immigrant populists, but to clearly show the limits of democratic legitimization. The same goes for those who advocate a radical opening of the borders to refugees: are they aware that, since our democracies are nation-state democracies, their demand equals the suspension of democracy, since they encourage a gigantic change, which should be allowed to affect a country without democratic consultation of its population? I remember watching George Soros some time ago on TV where he advocated the idea that Europe should accept another million refugees. Despite his best humanitarian motifs, one aspect did trouble me: what right does he, a billionaire, have to promote such a large displacement of people without even raising the question of what the local population in Europe may think of it? Yuval Harari points out how the ongoing troubles with immigrants in Germany confront us with the limits of democracy: how are we to counter anti-immigrant populists who demand a referendum on immigrants, assured that the majority of Germans will vote against them? Is the solution, then, to give the voting rights also to immigrants? To whom among them? To those who are already in Germany, to those who want to go there…? At the end of this line of thought, we get the idea of world-wide elections which is self-defeating for a simple and precise reason: »People feel bound by democratic elections only when they share a basic bond with most other voters. If the experience of other voters is alien to me, and if I believe they don’t understand my feelings and don’t care about my vital interests, then even if I am outvoted by a hundred to one, I have absolutely no reason to accept the verdict. Democratic elections usually work only within populations that have some prior common bind, such as shared religious beliefs and national myths. They are a method to settle disagreements between people who already agree on the basics.« Where this “agreement on the basics” is missing, the only procedure at our disposal (outside an outright war, of course) are negotiations. That’s, incidentally why the Middle East conflict cannot be solved by elections but only by war or negotiations. And negotiations by definition imply the overcoming of the antagonistic logic of Us against Them. According to Left populists, the main reason for the defeat of the Left is the non-combative stance of rational argumentation and lifeless universalism in theory epitomized by the names of Giddens, Beck, and Habermas. This post-political Third Way cannot combat in an efficient way the agonistic logic of Us against Them, successfully mobilized by anti-immigrant Rightist populists. Consequently, to combat this Rightist populism effectively is to have recourse to Left populism which, while retaining the basic populist coordinates (agonistic logic of Us against Them, of the “people” against a corrupted elite), fills them in with a Leftist content: Them are not poor refugees or immigrants but financial capital, technocratic state bureaucracy, etc. This populism moves beyond the old working-class anti-capitalism, as it tries to bring together a multiplicity of struggles from ecology to feminism, from the right to employment to free education and healthcare, etc., as Podemos is doing in Spain… With regard to a pragmatic and dispassionate politics of rational compromise, one should first note that the ideology of neoliberalism (also in its liberal-Left version) is anything but “rational.” Quite the contrary, it is EXTREMELY confrontational, inasmuch as it brutally excludes those who do not accept it under the pretext that they are dangerous anti-democratic utopians. Its expert knowledge is ideology at its purest. The problems with the Third Way Left, which endorsed neoliberal economics, was not that it was too pragmatic-rational, but that it was precisely not truly rational, seeing that it was permeated by unprincipled pragmatism which in advance endorsed the opponent’s premises. Leftist politics today does not need (just) confrontational passion; much more than that it needs a true cold rationality. Cold analysis and passionate struggle not only do not exclude each other, they need each other. The formula of agonistic politicization, of a passionate confrontation directed against lifeless universalism, is precisely all too formal, ignoring as it does the big question that lurks in the background: why did the Left abandon the agonistic logic of Us against Them decades ago? Was it not because of the deep structural changes in capitalism, changes which cannot be confronted by means of a simple populist mobilization? The Left abandoned antagonistic confrontation because it failed in its struggle with capitalism, because it accepted the global triumph of capitalism. As Peter Mandelson said, in economy, we are all Thatcherites, so all that remains to the Left is the multiplicity of particular struggles: human rights, feminism, anti-racism, and especially multiculturalism. (It is interesting to note that Ernesto Laclau, the theoretical father of Left populism, first enthusiastically greeted Blair’s Third Way politics – as a liberation from class essentialism, etc. -, and only later targeted it as the mode of non-antagonist politics.) Podemos undoubtedly stands for populism at its best: against the arrogant Politically Correct intellectual elites which despise the “narrowness” of the ordinary people who are considered “stupid” for “voting against their interests,” its organizing principle is to listen to and organize those “from below” against those “from above,” beyond all traditional Left and Right models. The idea is that the starting point of emancipatory politics should be the concrete experience of the suffering and injustices of ordinary people in their local life-world (home quarters, the workplace, etc.), not abstract visions of a future Communist, or whatever, society. Although the new digital media seem to open up the space for new communities, the difference between these new communities and the old life-world communities is crucial. The old communities are not chosen, I am born into them, and they form the very space of my socialization, while the new (digital) communities include me into a specific domain defined by my interests and thus depending on my choice. Far from making the old communities deficient, the fact that they do not rely on my free choice makes them superior with regard to the new digital communities since they compel me to find my way into a pre-existing not-chosen life-world in which I encounter (and have to learn to deal with) real differences, while the new digital communities depending on my choice sustain the ideological myth of the individual who somehow pre-exists a communal life and is free to choose it. Even if this approach undoubtedly contains a (very big) grain of truth, its problem is that, to put it bluntly, not only, as Laclau liked to emphasize, society doesn’t exist, but “people” also doesn’t exist. This thesis is not to be taken as an abstract theoretical statement about the inconsistence that traverses the social body. Rather, it refers to a quite concrete, even experiential, fact. “People” is a false name for the social totality. In our global capitalism, totality is “abstract,” invisible; there is no way to ground it in concrete life-worlds. In other words, in today global capitalist universe, a “concrete experience” of being a member of a particular life-world with its customs, living links, forms of solidarity, etc., is already something “abstract” in the strict sense of a particular experience which obliterates the thick network of financial, social, etc., processes that rule and regulate this concrete particular world. Here Podemos will encounter problems if it at some point takes power: what specific economic measures (beyond the standard Keynesian bag of tricks) will it enact to limit the power of capital? Therein resided the difference between Syriza and Podemos. Syriza touched the Real of our global order. It threatened the reign of Capital, which is why it had to be humiliated without mercy. The heroism of Syriza was that, after winning the democratic political battle, they risked a step further into disturbing the smooth flow of the reproduction of Capital. The lesson of the Greek crisis is that Capital, though ultimately a symbolic fiction, is our Real. That is to say, today’s protests and revolts are sustained by a combination (overlapping) of different levels, and this combination accounts for their strength: they fight for (“normal” parliamentary) democracy against authoritarian regimes; against racism and sexism, especially the hatred directed at immigrants and refugees; for welfare-state against neoliberalism; against corruption in politics and economy (companies polluting environment, etc.); for new forms of democracy that reach beyond multi-party rituals (participation, etc.); and, finally, questioning the global capitalist system as such and trying to keep alive the idea of a non-capitalist society. Two traps are to be avoided here: false radicalism, proclaiming that what really matters is the abolition of liberal-parliamentary capitalism, while all other fights are secondary, as well as false gradualism, asking us to fight against military dictatorship and for simple democracy, to forget Socialist dreams, which will come later – maybe… When we have to deal with a specific struggle, the key question is: how will our engagement in it or disengagement from it affect other struggles? The general rule is that, when a revolt begins against an oppressive half-democratic regime, as was the case in the Middle East in 2011, it is easy to mobilize large crowds with slogans that one cannot but characterize as crowd-pleasers – For Democracy! Against Corruption!, and so forth. But then we gradually approach more difficult choices: when our revolt succeeds in its direct goal, we come to realize that what really bothered us (our un-freedom, humiliation, social corruption, lack of prospects for a decent life) persists in a new guise. In Egypt, protesters succeeded in getting rid of the oppressive Mubarak regime, but corruption remained, and the prospects of a decent life moved even further away. After the overthrow of an authoritarian regime, the last vestiges of patriarchal care for the poor can fall away, so that the newly gained freedom is de facto reduced to the freedom to choose the preferred form of one’s misery. The majority not only remain poor, but, to add insult to injury, are also being told that, since they are now free, poverty is their own responsibility. In such a predicament, we have to admit that there was a flaw in our goal itself, that this goal was not specific enough – say, that standard political democracy can also serve as the very form of un-freedom. Political freedom can easily provide the legal frame for economic slavery, with the underprivileged “freely” selling themselves into servitude. We are thus brought to demand more than just political democracy: we have to admit that what we first took as the failure to fully realize a noble principle (of democratic freedom) is a failure inherent to this principle itself. Understanding this is a big step of political pedagogy. The double U-turn that the Greek crisis took in July 2015 cannot but appear as a leap not just from tragedy to comedy but, as Stathis Kouvelakis noted, from tragedy full of comic reversals directly into a theatre of the absurd. Is there any other way to characterize the extraordinary reversal of one extreme into its opposite that would bedazzle even the most speculative Hegelian philosopher? Tired of the endless negotiations with the EU executives in which one humiliation followed another, Syriza called for a referendum on Sunday July 5 asking the Greek people if they supported or rejected the EU proposal of new austerity measures. Although the government itself clearly stated that it supported the NO, the result was a surprise for the government itself: the overwhelming majority of over 61% voted NO to European blackmail. Rumors began to circulate that the result – victory for the government – was a bad surprise for Tsipras himself, who secretly hoped that the government would lose, so that a defeat would allow him to save face in surrendering to the EU demands (“we have to respect the voters’ voice”). However, literally the morning after, Tsipras announced that Greece is ready to resume negotiations, and days later Greece agreed to a EU proposal which was basically the same as what the voters rejected (in some details even harsher). In short, he acted as if the government had lost, not won, the referendum. Here we encounter the truth of populism: its failure to confront the real of the capital. The supreme populist moment (referendum victory) immediately reverted into capitulation, into confession of impotence with regard to the capitalist order. There is no simple betrayal in this reversal, but the expression of a deep necessity. Laclau insisted on the need to construct some figure of the Enemy as immanent to populism, not as its weakness, but as the resource of its strength. Left populism should construct a different figure of the Enemy, not the threatening racial Other (immigrant, Jew, Muslim…) but the financial elites, fundamentalists, and other “usual suspects” of the progressives. This urge to construct the Enemy is another fatal limitation of populism. Today, the ultimate “enemy” is not a concrete social agent but in some sense the system itself, a certain functioning of the system, which cannot be easily located into agents. Years ago, Alain Badiou wrote that one doesn’t fight capitalism but its concrete agents: therein resides the problem, since the true target IS capitalism. Today, it seems easy to say that the Enemy is neo-Fascist anti-immigrant nationalism or, in the US, Trump. Still, the fact remains that the rise of Trump is ultimately the effect of the failure of liberal-democratic consensus, and so, although one should, of course, not exclude new forms of “anti-Fascist” alliances with the latter, this consensus remains THE thing to be changed. It is because of their focus on concrete enemies that Left populists seem to privilege national sovereignty, the strong nation state, as a defense against global capital (even Auferstehen in Germany basically follows this path). In this way, most of them not only (by definition) endorse populism but even nationalism, presenting their struggle as a defense against international financial capital. Some Left populists in the US already used the term “national socialism.”[ii]While, of course, it would be stupid and unfair to claim that they are closet Nazis, one should nonetheless insist that internationalism is a key component in any project of radical emancipation. Whatever critical remarks one makes against Varoufakis’s DIEM, the movement at least sees clearly that resistance against global capital has to be itself global, a new form of universalism. There definitely are enemies and the topic of conspiracies is not to be simply dismissed. Years ago, Fred Jameson perspicuously noted that in today’s global capitalism, things happen which cannot be explained with a reference to some anonymous “logic of the capital.” For example, now we know that the financial meltdown of 2008 was the result of a well-planned “conspiracy” of some financial circles. However, the true task of social analysis still remains to explain how contemporary capitalism opened up the space for such “conspiratorial” interventions. This is also why references to “greed” and the appeal to capitalists to show social solidarity and responsibility are misplaced: “greed” (search for profit) IS what motivates capitalist expansion; the wager of capitalism IS that acting out of individual greed will contribute to the common good. So, again, instead of focusing on individual greed and approach the problem of growing inequality in moralist terms, the task is to change the system so that it will no longer allow or even solicit “greedy” acting. The problem we are facing is best exemplified by what took place a couple of years ago in Croatia. Two public protest gatherings were announced: trade unions called for a protest against the exploding unemployment and poverty, felt very much by ordinary people; Rightist nationalists announced a gathering in order to protest the re-introduction of the official status of Cyrillic writing in Vukovar (because of the Serb minority there). To the first gathering, a couple of hundred people came, and to the second gathering, over one hundred thousand people showed up. Poverty was experienced as a daily-life problem much more than the Cyrillic threat by ordinary people, and the rhetoric of trade unions didn’t lack passion and confrontational spirit, but… One has to accept that some kind of especially strong economy of **** is at work in the identification with one’s own “way of life,” some core of the Real which is very difficult to rearticulate symbolically. Recall Lenin’s shock at the patriotic reaction of Social-Democrats to the outburst of World War I. People are willing to suffer for their way of life, up to today’s refugees who are not ready to “integrate.” In short, there are two Reals (the real of capital; the real of ethnic identification) that cannot be dissolved into the fluid elements of a symbolic hegemony.
  11. Gershwin fan

    Movies with descriptive titles

    Mummy's Boys
  12. Gershwin fan

    What Are You Watching Now?

    Hollywood Rivals: Keaton and Chaplin - Documentary that gives a brief overview on the two comedian's works.
  13. Gershwin fan

    The First Film That Comes to Mind...

    Freaks Next: movie set on Halloween
  14. Gershwin fan

    SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY & NATURE Now that the weekend is here, we have a bit of free time to unwind and catch up on the more interesting stories of the week. Morris’s list here focuses on the serious stuff, while this list tackles news items that are more bizarre and novel. We have a few interesting animal tales this week, talking about fat bears, perfume-loving tigers, and butt-dialing geckos. There are also a couple of compelling space stories, an auction with an unexpected finale, and an ill-advised game of hide-and-seek. Giant Ice Spikes On Europa Photo credit: Javier G. Corripia Future missions to Europa just got more difficult, according to a new study published in Nature Geoscience. Researchers from Cardiff University assert that the surface of the moon is covered in giant, jagged “ice spikes.” Scientists believe Europa has the right conditions to create penitentes like those found on Earth. These are bladelike ice formations made in regions that are very cold and dry, like the Andes. The main difference is that while Earth penitentes grow up to 5 meters (16 ft), the ones on Europa are expected to be up to 15 meters (50 ft) tall.[1] The ice spikes haven’t actually been seen, though. The Europa Clipper mission is set to launch sometime between 2022 and 2025, with the goal of studying Jupiter’s moon in detail. It will likely be the one to confirm or deny the presence of these penitentes. 9Fat, Furry, And Fabulous Photo credit: Katmai National Park and Preserve Fat Bear Week is over at Katmai National Park and Preserve in Alaska. A female named 409 Beadnose won the contest and was crowned this season’s most bodacious beefy bear. It is the time of the year when these animals gorge on salmon to fatten up as much as possible for the winter. It’s not uncommon for some bears to gain 130 kilograms (285 lb) or more in weight over the summer. Over the last four years, Katmai has held an annual contest to determine which is the most beloved rotund animal by posting photographs on Facebook. The competition is single-round elimination where fans vote on two different bears pitted against each other.[2] This year, Beadnose trumped heavy favorite and two-time champ 480 Otis in her first round. In the finals, she defeated another bear simply known as 747, described at times as a “jelly-bellied jumbo jet” and a “Macy’s Thanksgiving parade balloon.” Beadnose actually won the first contest back in 2015. However, in 2016, she had two cubs, so she spent the next two feeding seasons sharing the spoils. This year, though, the kids were out of the house, so Beadnose was free to pack on the blubber.
  15. Gershwin fan

    Turkey sets free American pastor

    Yeah, he got the US laughed at in front of the entire world at the UN. Whatever you think of him, that is an accomplishment that not many presidents could achieve.
  16. Gershwin fan

    Trump & the Saudis? Jamal Khashoggi and Saudi Arabia’s Overdue Reckoning For decades, Saudi Arabia has gotten a free pass from the US for its unabashed brutality. But Jamal Khashoggi's alleged murder may finally be a step too far. When your despotic, war-hungry regime has lost Lindsey Graham, you know it’s lost nearly everyone. “I’ve never been more disturbed than I am right now,” the South Carolina Republican senator said on Wednesday about the recent, almost-certain state-orchestrated murder of Saudi dissident Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul, Turkey. “If this did in fact happen, if this man was murdered in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, that would cross every line of normality in the international community,” Graham went on. “If it did happen, there would be hell to pay.” It’s worth remembering who’s speaking these words: Lindsey Graham, the man who opposed declassifying the twenty-eight pages of the 9/11 report implicating the Saudi government because of the “damage” it could do to that same government; the man who, when the Saudis needed to pressure President Obama to go into Syria so they could topple Bashar al-Assad, was the first to sign up to help; the man who has consistently backed arms sales to the despotic regime because “it would be a disaster to sever the relationship with Saudi Arabia”; the man who has implacably cheered on the Saudi government’s perverse destruction of Yemen because “we have no perfect allies.” If someone this slavishly devoted to both the Saudi government and war is talking like this, it may well be a sign of something much bigger bubbling up.
  17. It could be "the Strange Life of Dr. Frankenstein" from 2018 which is premiering on October 22nd. Yeah, I know not a good guess but the film looks too recent to be anything else from this month.
  18. Gershwin fan

    Double Feature

    Road to Bali (Hope and Crosby are Scotsmen in this) Next: Road to Morocco
  19. A very funny film is coming on October 14th at 8 PM Abbott and Costello Meet the Mummy- This one of the funniest of their films.
  20. Gershwin fan

    The Story of Film: An Odyssey by Mark Cousins

    I think Cousins was a bit biased against Hollywood films in that documentary. He seemed to imply that the Studio era was all just cookie cutter genre movies and Europe was all deep philosophical films and of course, we know that is not the case. I also didn't like how he included out of context clips all over the place, like clips from the silent era in an episode on 40s films and clips of 80s movies in an episode on the 60s. I do however like the effort he put into it with interviewing actors, directors, filmmakers, etc. from all over the globe!
  21. Gershwin fan

    From around the galaxy PURE JET LAG: THINKING WITH PAUL VIRILIO (1932-2018) Like a number of French thinkers during the twentieth century, Paul Virilio had a penchant for the concise summary, a talent for aphorisms adaptable to a variety of settings. “When you invent the ship, you also invent the shipwreck; when you invent the plane, you also invent the plane crash,” he remarks in Politics of the Very Worst (1999). “Every technology carries its own negativity, which is invented at the same time as technical progress.” Against prevailing market ideologies of science and innovation – and against the humorless, irony-free character of such ideologies – Virilio pointed to the lurking death drive that inhabits the underside of such technological optimism. His passing last month at the age of eighty-six silenced a critical voice that countered the sanguine enthusiasm of our techno-consumptive age, one with an indispensable wit that leavened the claustrophobia of our times. Born in Paris in 1932, Virilio belonged to a generation who experienced the German occupation, the Algerian War (where Virilio served in the French army), and the protests of May 1968, during which he became a professor in the École Spéciale d’Architecture. His work drew upon these pivotal moments in different ways, his firsthand experience of warfare being the most crucial. It informed such major works as Bunker Archaeology (1975), Speed and Politics(1977), and Pure War (1983). Unlike his peers Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida, and Jean Baudrillard, whose understandings of social power through images, language, and sexuality often took domesticated and therefore more elusive forms, Virilio approached power through more traditional means, examining how militarization, technological innovation, and, most significantly, speed defined modern life.
  22. Gershwin fan

    Actor/Movie Association Game

    Gene Lockhart
  23. Gershwin fan

    *A to Z of Movies*

    Saps at Sea
  24. Gershwin fan

    The First Film That Comes to Mind...

    The Teahouse of the August Moon Next: plumbing

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